Nedžad Ibrahimović: FAQs about the Tuzla Plenum

Note: this is not a declaration of the Tuzla Plenum.

1. How does the Plenum engage with the deposed state apparatus, if it is practically non-existent?

Answer: State apparatuses (the government, the canton parliaments, ministries, etc) continue to perform functions under their constitutional jurisdiction; the administrative state bodies are functioning under a so-called ‘dry regime’ (given that there’s been no coup d’état), and will be able to function for some time (until the selection of the Government of Experts) on the basis of surplus political inertia.

2. Is administrative state inertia a threat to the realization of the Plenum’s demands?

Answer: yes. The huge state machinery is reinforced by nationalism, corruption, nepotism and opportunism, and it will resist every kind of change, capably and for some time.

3. Can the demands of the Plenum of be articulated and delivered to those in power with a “cool head”?

Answer: maybe, but with difficulty. Citizens (panel participants and others), have very emotionally expressed their disappointments and their decades-long anger over the plunder they’ve endured (even before the war). That is why the ideas, discussions and demands of the Plenum are one way of achieving collective catharsis.

4. Can a citizen at the Plenum ask questions and make demands “of national interest”? And can the Plenum forward those questions to the state (and the government of experts)?

Answer: yes. All questions of human rights are on the table and will be discussed.

5. What about collective rights?

Answer: Collective rights arise from the rights of individuals/citizens. A citizen/individual has (will have) all the rights guaranteed under all applicable legal instruments of democratic societies, the European Charter and the Charter of the United Nations with respect to the freedom and right to work, health care, housing, retirement, rights to vote and be elected, etc. In principle, all individual/civil rights belong to each citizen, all collective rights belong to each person, in different ways according to the group in question (ethnic, athletic, interest-based, professional, trade union-based, etc).

6. Can the ideas and demands of political parties be expressed/promoted at the Plenum?

Answer: yes. But not in their official form.

7. Can political parties instrumentalize the Plenum in pursuit of their own goals?

Answer: they cannot, because their own narrow political platforms position them well below the goals of the gathering of citizens that makes up the Plenum.

8. Can politicians participate in the Plenum?

Answer: yes. And, like everyone else, they have only one vote.

9. Can citizens without residency in Tuzlan Canton participate in the Tuzla Canton Plenum?

Answer: yes, and they have the right to one vote (their own).

10. Can factions form at the Plenum?

Answer: no, because all decisions are made by consensus, or a majority of votes. The Plenum is an expression of direct democracy, and its primary object is organizing the people, not just politically, but generally.

11. Could two plenums exist in Tuzla?

Answer: theoretically yes, but there is no reason why they would not unite into one.

12. What is the role of demonstration/protest organizers in the Plenum?

Answer: same as that of all other citizens, whether or not they participate in demonstrations/protests. At the moment the energy of the demonstrations are turned into the will of the people at the Plenum, the organizers (unions, individuals, political organizations, parties, etc), become part of and participants in the Plenum.

13. What is the position of the Plenum on the question of extraordinary, or regular, parliamentary elections?

Answer: The Plenum asks that general parliamentary and/or municipal elections be held as late as possible.


Answer: Because deposed political elites want to regain their lost positions and criminal ties as soon as possible. Because the question of Sejdić-Finci has not been solved, nor have the questions of the “others” been solved, nor has the question of fundamental civil and individual rights of various minorities, etc, and because the new, people’s (citizens’) power needs time to try and put the brakes on the ‘car running downhill’ and direct the entire social, civil and political apparatus in a different direction, the direction that will be the benefit of all citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Original posting:


3 responses to “Nedžad Ibrahimović: FAQs about the Tuzla Plenum

  1. Pingback: ‘Death to nationalism’ is message of Bosnia uprising·

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  3. Pingback: Bosnia Uprising | People's Assemblies Network·

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